Burma,
like many other nations, is the haven for diverse ethnic groups. The
country, known for one of the world's worst and longest dictatorial regimes,
is simultaneously enlivened with favors and cherishing endearments by its
neighboring countries. The international community is intriguingly divided
on the question of the military regime's legitimacy and preparedness for the
country's democratization process. While Asian countries tend to stay
silent, the western world led by the United States of America has been
staunch proponents for a transparent democratic change in Burma. With the
present concept, the national convention becomes the "Achilles Heel" of
Burma's political transition.
On the 17th
of February 2005, the first step of the then Prime Minister, General Khin
Kyunt's masterpiece road map for democracy called "National Convention" was
reconvened despite scores of critical rhetoric from different quarters.
Stiffening toes and deafening ears to others' criticisms, the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC) stuck itself to the barrel. Thus, the
government's ingenious formula to implement the seven-step road map for
democracy has always become a question to be reckoned with.
In
conjunction with the government efforts to legitimize its administration,
Burma's Prime Minister General Soe Win and Nyan Win, the Foreign Minister,
began touring neighboring countries by soliciting their co-operation. At
their closed-door meeting on the 21st February of 2005 in Manila,
General Soe Win and the Philippines President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
touched issues on boosting economic ties as well as the promotion of human
rights. Philippines extended a red-carpet welcome and a 21-gun salute to Soe
Win and his entourage at the Palace grounds
while protesters chanted slogans such as "Don’t do business with
dictators" and "General Soe Win, How many Burmese did you kill?" This
reflects the replica of how repressive the dictatorial regime is.
Burma,
while waiting for its turn to chair the Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) in 2006, is leaving no stone unturned to appease the
constituent member countries. With its policy of non interference on member
country's internal affairs, ASEAN has been opting to stay away from Burma's
political imbroglio. To the Burmese military leaders, winning the support
and confidence of its neighbors is construed as legitimizing the dangling
hierarchy of the junta. Soe Win's approach to garner the political backing
from neighboring countries was keenly followed by Nyan Win, Burma's Foreign
Minister, visit to Bangladesh from February 24-26.
Amidst
volley of criticisms and oppositions both within and abroad, the
procrastinated National Convention was resumed. Not overlooking the
stringent voices of the international community and exiled Burmese
pro-democracy activists around the world, the intransigent approach of
opposition groups within the country is plausible. The cohesive stance of
Committee Representing People's Parliament (CRPP), formed in 1998 and an
umbrella organization of different parties representing the diverse ethnic
groups, is encouraging. Among others, U Thong Kho Thang, an elected Member
of Parliament from Tamu Township in Upper Sagaing Division, open
denouncement of the inclusion of his name among the 1088 convention's
attendees is an epitome of resolute politicking.
Many
independent political observers are skeptical of the six laid objectives and
104 basic rules embedded with the road map for democracy. Although it is a
positive initiative of the SPDC to convene the convention by reaching
ceasefire agreements with a number of armed revolutionary groups, the image
of the convention is loomed and overshadowed by the continued detention of
NLD leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and the party's Vice-President, U
Tin-Oo. The convention's image was subsequently tarnished by the arrest of
leaders from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) including
its chairman, U Hkun Htun Oo. With the convention rolling on with its
exclusive nature, the outcome will partially or entirely be null and void.
The basic democratic values are hijacked and distorted by the regime.
Drafting of any constitution, which will be the guiding principle of the
country, without equal representation, is a "hard nut to crack."
The
strategic framework of the government emanates critical political errors. In
order to solidify the fledgling Burmese political structure, the country
needs to be a congenial place for all parties and groups regardless of their
political affiliations. Barring a group or party in the shaping of a
national political machine will be counter productive. Burma needs a
national convention where the military leaders, the National League for
Democracy and ethnic groups amicably negotiate for the future of the Union
of Burma. With its present concept, the convention itself becomes the
"Achilles Heel" of Burma's political democratization process because of the
non inclusion of all parties.